Census 2011: Demographic Changes in India

Earlier this month, the Government selectively released (unofficially) some census data on religious demographics in India. While the delay in reporting data is inexplicable, the data in itself confirmed a couple of trends observed in the last 3 decades. These broad trends are: 1. Rising share of Muslim Population in India; and 2. Decreasing share of Hindus in overall population.

However, the reporting mainstream media was, as it is wont to be, heavily skewed. It primarily highlighted 2 aspects: 1. Falling growth rate of Muslims; and 2. The ‘paltry’ increase of Muslims population share at 0.8%. This, the media votaries mocked, was a certain proof that all the talk by the Hindu Right of demographic change was nothing but fear-mongering.

While many Indians, in their comments to the purported ‘analytical’ news reports tried to highlight the gross errors in reporting, comments do not make or mar impressions. Some right-leaning websites did try to draw more realistic conclusions from the partially released data, but owing to their limited reach, it is doubtful if they would have even 0.5% of an impact which a Times of India report declaring ‘All is Well’ can have.

Of all such notes, the one by Dr JK Bajaj, India’s leading demographer, on Indiafacts is by far the best. There is hardly any aspect, either historical or current, which is not covered by Dr Bajaj, who presents and dissects available data dispassionately.

One might ask the need of this blogpost if Dr Bajaj’s analysis is so comprehensive. My humble submission is – while I am ill-equipped to add anything worthwhile to Dr Bajaj’s analysis, this post could probably make it reach out to handful of more people, providing key points in brief.

• As per the census data, growth rate of Muslim population in between 2001 and 2011 was 24.4% as against a general growth rate of 17.7%. What most of the mainstream reports did not state that this 17.7% comprises the growth rate of ALL communities and not communities other than Muslims. Unreported was the growth rate of Hindus, which at 14.5% is lower than the Muslim growth rate by 9.9% in absolute terms. When compared to the Hindu rate of growth, Muslim growth rate is higher by a whopping 68.8% (9.9% over 14.5%). Even when taken against the mis-directional National average, it is still 37.9% higher (6.7% over 17.7%)
• Much has been made by MSM on the decline of Muslim growth rate from 29.5% in 2001 to 24.4% now. However, what has hardly been reported is a steeper decline in growth rate of Hindus, i.e., from 20.3% to 14.4%. Yet again, apologists have tried to attribute higher growth rate of Muslims to their supposed poverty and illiteracy. Yet, this does not explain Kerala, where Muslims have risen from 24.7% to 26.6% of the population despite being much better off compared to Hindus, both economically and socially. Even the much poorer Pakistan (20%) and Bangladesh (14%) have lower growth rates. So much so for illiteracy and poverty driving Muslim population growth.
• Now the ‘paltry’ growth of Muslims from 13.4% to 14.2% of the population. For one, Muslims share in population expanded by around 6% over its base (14.2% against 13.4%). In the same period, Hindus share in population dropped by around 2.7% on its base (78.35% against 80.5%). As a result, for the first time since independence, Hindus are less than 80% of the population.
• In the last 60 years, Hindus have dropped by 6.8% on its base (from 84.1% in 1951 to 78.35% in 2011). In the same period, Muslim share in population has grown by a whopping 45% (14.2% in 2011 against 9.8% in 1961). As such, any impression that the Muslim growth rate is ‘paltry’ is simply self delusional. Of even more importance is the fact that Muslims have registered equivalent growth of 0.8% population share in the last 3 censuses consecutively.
• In many states, particularly Assam (34.2% in 2011 against in 30.9% in 2001), Kerala (26.6% in 2011 against in 24.7% in 2001), West Bengal (27% in 2011 against in 25.2% in 2001), Uttarakhand (13.9% in 2011 against 11.9% in 2001), Goa (8.4% in 2011 against 6.8% in 2001), Haryana (7% in 2011 against in 5.8% in 2001) and Delhi (12.9% in 2011 again 11.7% in 2001), share of Muslims in population has risen much faster. It is this demographic growth which has result in de-Hinduisation of villages after villages, in fact, whole of Talukas in Bengal and Assam and disturbingly being seen in pockets of North Kerala now.
• In 1909, UN Mukherjee had authored a book, Hindus, a dying race, based on his study of the continuous decrease of the Hindu’s share of population in undivided India. While the doomsday scenario painted by the author seems fanciful, it is a fact that the in 1881 (when the first census was taken), Muslims accounted for 20% of the Indian population. In 1941, they accounted for 24.3% while in 2011, Muslims comprise around 31.8% of India, Pakistan and Bangladesh. For the Hindus, it has meant that from being close to 8 out of 10, they are now only 6 out of every 10 people inhabiting the Indian subcontinent.

Why are the above figures important? All of us understand the power of compounding in finances. How can then one assume that compounding would work differently in population growth? If Pakistan had a growth rate equivalent to Bangladesh, its population would have been lower by around 5 million. Likewise, if Bangladesh had a growth rate similar to Pakistan, its population would have been higher by some six million. A widening gap between Hindu and Muslim growth rates simply means that the Muslim population share would keep on increasing in a geometric progression.

And all this is assuming that the census data is correct. To assume that is again delusional. Any observer / resident of Andhra, Tamil Nadu and tribal belts of Orissa, Bengal and Jharkhand would vouch that the Christian population has increased dramatically. Data submitted by churches themselves indicate that Christian population in India is closer to 4% rather than the declared 2%. If we consider data reported by evangelists as authentic, then Christians have an even higher population share. Plain and simple, currently a Scheduled Caste person loses reservation benefits if the fact of conversion is reported. So, while people may get baptized, they may worship and get married in churches, their official documents record them as Hindus. If, the current Government, in its urge to prove its secular credentials, does extend reservation benefits to Dalit Christians, rest assured, the reported Christian population in India is certain to register an exponential growth.

When people talk of Bangladeshi infiltration, they miss that infiltration of Hindu refugees actually pushes up the Hindu population share and growth rate. That it is still relatively lower only shows the high growth rate of Abrahmic religions in India. And since it can reasonably be assumed that while Hindus are converting to Islam (particularly of the Love Jihad variety), the scale of conversion is very low compared to Christian proselytization. As such, even when accounting for Muslim Bangladeshis in India, Muslim growth is to a large extent, is organic in nature.

What is the cause behind higher growth of Muslims? While cultural and political factors (including infiltration) certainly contribute, can some blame not be apportioned to successive governments of India?

Indian Government has been pushing for population control since decades. While the message for population control may seem less pervasive now, what is curious is the focus of family planning – exclusively a Hindu face. Of all campaigns run by the Government, hardly any, if at all, advert had any Muslim character (either in name or appearance) who was facing issues on account of a large family or to who the message of family planning was being disseminated. Remember your Doordarshan days and those sundry ads in various newspapers and hoardings? The woman in question would always be wearing a bindi and sindoor. Ever remember a woman with a burqua or a hijab? Or a man with a skull cap or a Muslim beard? Maybe the Government’s efforts were not conscious. But, subliminally, with Muslims missing from the frame, the message was that it was the Hindus who needed to stop breeding. 

If only a change in demographics did not mean a change in culture, taboos and territory, population growth of any community, for its own sake, would have hardly been of any concern.

Election Results: Ominous signs

Like any other elections, results declared on May 13, 2011 have brought cheer to the victims and gloom to the vanquished. While individual states may seem to have given either a thumbs up or a thumbs down to their ruling parties basis ‘local’ issues, a few trends emerging out of these results seem to augur ill for the country in the long run. Please don’t accuse me of stating that State Elections are fought on ‘National’ issues. I would in fact, go to the other end and say that in an election without any emotive central theme, most General Elections are an amalgam of many minor state elections. At the same time, what one cannot deny is that National issues do have a significant impact on the people voting to elect their state government. Hence, results of State Elections are seen as a portent of the people think of a ‘National’ party. Not so long back, it was BJP’s rout in 2007 UP elections which showed itself incapable of forming a strong parliamentary core to any NDA Government, with the loss in cosmopolitan Delhi showing inefficacy of its campaign to people. People voting for local issues do not necessarily jettison the ‘National’ issues at head and may decide to opt for the more ‘pressing’ priority on hand.

Hence, while the people of Tamil Nadu seem to have punished DMK for its corrupt and arrogant ways, of Kerala having withdrawn from the levels of disdain they had displayed towards LDF in the General Elections, people in Bengal seem to have voted for a long overdue change rather than positively reposing faith in the Congress policies. Tiny Pondicherry, has in its own way, has either punished the incumbent (?), rewarded its favorite son (?) or turned its back to the corrupt Congress regime in Delhi (?). Inexplicable, however, has been the choice of the Assamese for they seem to have rewarded a corrupt government, which did not have much to show to its credit and which, by all accounts, was hard pressed to retain even its current seat tally

While it is certainly the case that the scenario of all parties having tasted power at some time or the other has meant that people are no longer having any illusion of one being better than the other. At the same time, it doesn’t mean that the incumbent can go on reaping fruits of office without fear of punishment. After all, even if opposition parties get a share of spoils, that share will certainly be much lesser than what the rulers get and would not percolate at the same rate to their grass-root workers. Hence, the pain of being out of office, and by default, having lesser share of the ‘cream’ should be sufficient to act as a punishing tool for any non-performing corrupt ruling party. Hence, there is no reason why a Tamil Nadu should not vote out a DMK and Assam a Congress.

What is ominous for the country is the clear emergence of minority communal politics as being THE deciding factor in electoral politics. While the newspapers are full of VS Achyutanandan’s heroic campaign against the UDF, relatively little attention has been paid to the fact that the war against corruption seems to have impacted only the Hindu electorate with the Christian and Muslim groups reposing faith in Congress. Lest I be accused of being alarmist, let’s look at some facts and statistics: The UDF comprised of 9 parties these elections and of these, the Socialist Janata Dal is led by a Jain and Janathipathiya Samrakshana Samithy led by a Hindu. Of the others, while 6 of them are led by Christians the balance IUML, is led by a Muslim. Of these 9 parties, the only Hindu led party does not have any representation in this Kerala assembly. In effect, the ruling front now is a minority front, having won on account of consolidation of Muslim and Christian votes. Of course, Hindu support is there but certainly, to imagine that the front will stand for Hindu interests is laughable. Even this UDF victory has been brought about by the spectacular performance of the IUML, which has won 20 of the 24 seats it contested, having virtually swept the Muslim majority Malappuram. Obviously, affinity to community leaders was a more important criterion for deciding their voting preference for the minority communities. It is for the first time that we now have a ‘mainstream’ state of India, being ruled by the ostensible minorities, in spirit and in reality. Lest is sound unconvincing, let us have a look at numbers again. Of the 140 MLAs, 73 are Hindus, 37 Muslims and 30 Christians; More importantly, in the UDF, of its 72 MLAs, only 26 are Hindus while 29 are Muslims and 17 are Christians, i.e., 70% of the ruling class belong to 'minority' communities.

It is interesting that compared to previous LDF stints, the Achyutanandan regime witnessed lesser number of clashes in between the LDF and RSS cadres. Was it because of the not so covert cultivation of the Malayalee Hindu by Achyutanandan? Even now, compared to the local body polls, LDF’s vote share seems to have gone up by roughly the same degree by which the BJP’s vote share has fallen. Did it mean that, faced with a spectacle of even more assertive minority politics, a section of BJP’s voters simply moved to the LDF? If that be so, corruption was not an issue even in Kerala. It will however be foolhardy to imagine this as being the beginning of a more rational left position on issues of secularism. A group of people defined by their visceral hatred of Indian culture and religion can only exploit sentiments and insecurities and not protect the vulnerable.

Coming to West Bengal, it cannot be wished away that Mamata Banerjee was more than aggressive in her wooing of Muslims. Right from the issue of Rizwan’s suicide to tom-toming of the Sachar committee’s report, she has been assiduously trying to paint herself as the new champion of minorities, reciting namaaz in rallies and taking care to cover herself with a green shawl all the times. Even in an issue as ghastly as Deganga, where Muslim hooligans desecrated temples and attacked a hapless Hindu minority, she maintained a studied silence and only accused the RSS/BJP of dividing people. In a state which already had a declared 30% Muslim population in the 2001 census itself, it is likely that this percentage has only increased and they, in effect, decide the rulers of the state. Anyways, the state assembly now has the highest number of Muslims ever elected (59 and around 20% of the assembly) and even the vanquished left has around one third of its MLAs from the minority community. With the defeat of both Buddhadeb Bhattacharya and Gautam Deb, it is likely that the next Left Front Leader would be a Muslim, an overt attempt to mend bridges with the community which has moved to TMC in the last couple of years.

Most inexplicable has been the state of Assam where a Government, buffeted on various fronts, has managed to increase its vote share so spectacularly. Not only has the issue of corruption, both at the State and the National levels, failed to have an impact, the voting suggests a clear consolidation of the Muslim votes in favor of Congress and the AUDF. This, however, still does not explain the victory of Congress in Upper Assam, which has turned its back to both the BJP and AGP. OHere again, maximum number of Muslims have made as legislators till date; 28 or around 25% of the assembly strength. 16 of the 18 AIUDF members are Muslims while 10 of Congress MLAs belong to this community. ne more state seems to have fallen irretrievably to minority politics of the darkest kind.

As expected, the ELM is full of advice to the Left on ‘mending’ its ideology to appeal to the new age. It seems that they miss the point of Left ideology having emerged a victor in this election too. Mamata Banerjee has spared no efforts to underline her commitment to Ma, Mati Manush and has openly proclaimed herself to represent the ‘true’ communist thought. She is all pains to explain that the old ‘communists’ were good while the current are ‘bad’. And what is bad about them: Only the fact that they tried to bring in industrialization and free market economics (of course, by most reprehensible of means but being adopted by State Governments of all colours). It was this desire to change that proved their nemesis. What does the ELM want the Left to change to? No one, not even the ELM seems to know. Little has, on the other hand been said about the barbaric culture they represented, the way they made politics a tool of retribution and violence, how they subverted institutes, killed dissent and made the party an extension of the Government. While the change was long overdue and it is certainly Left’s defeat in 2009 Lok Sabha elections which gave the hapless people a confidence that CPM can actually be defeated, if Mamata’s protestations about her being the ‘true’ communist are correct, a culture change may still elude Bengal.

In the other fortress where Left stands vanquished, issues have never been about ideology for both the UDF and LDF represented same thought process. In spite of its defeat, the Communist thought process is too deeply ingrained in the academia and the political establishment to whiter away just like that.

In a way, not only do these state elections results represent victory of minority communalism, they represent the ever reducing impact of larger issue in public decision making. With corruption being the mantra of the day, no one talks about price rise, which anyways seem to be as ineffectual an election issue as corruption and public loot. Even Tamil Nadu results, which seem to be a saving grace will be rendered meaningless if, the victor walks over to the mother bee of corruption, something which she does not seem averse to.