It is not very often that
communal riots, particularly which see the number of dead running into single
digits, get raised in the parliament. At the same time, it is also not often that a local
skirmish in a single village sparks off chain events in nine adjoining
districts of the region. While it is sad that Jammu
had to yet again undergo the cataclysm of riots, the only very thin silver
lining in this otherwise dark cloud is a hitherto unseen appreciation of the
fact that communal fault-lines in Jammu are strong enough to tear the region asunder.
For a very long time, the
general public have been made to believe by the Government and the media that
the entire state of Jammu and Kashmir is a non sectarian land and that a common
thread of Kashmiriyat, seeded and nurtured by generations of Sufism, had made
those citizens truly secular. So far as the secessionist movement is concerned,
it has been painted as the result of disillusionment of the youth, a feeling
which was completely independent of the religious identity of people demanding azadi.
If the contemptuous
assertions that the Kashmiri Pandit migrated en masse of his free will and in
connivance with the evil Jagmohan were not enough, we have been fed stories on
how the Amarnath Yatra and the Kheer Bhavani fairs are supported by the local
Muslims, the economic benefits being purely an irrelevant afterthought.
While the above tales were
probably meant to control Hindu retaliation elsewhere, the general belief in
the rarefield public decision making offices, which is supposed to be aware of ground
realities, that the entire secessionist movement was restricted to the Kashmir Valley
alone and that the general population of Jammu and Ladakh were absolutely
pro-India, belies credulity.
This commentator may be
accused of generalizing stray observations and presenting it as applicable for
the entire region. However, when that generalization is seemingly proved by
sequential events and evidence to the contrary seems absent, the hypothesis stands validated. Those interested in more
details may refer to the post ‘Oh Kashmir’
It was only a few weeks back
that Ramban was hit by skirmishes, instigated by a local Imam maliciously claiming
that a copy of the Quran had been desecrated. The initial disturbances were only a precursor to riotous
mobs chanting Azadi
slogans taking over the town. Now, we have the spectacle of Azadi demanding mobs taking over Kishtwar and other Muslim majority
areas of Jammu.
The reality was and still remains that other
than the two and a half undivided districts of the Jammu region and the Leh
district of Ladakh, the rest of the state of Jammu & Kashmir identifies
itself as a body united in its desire for Azadi. This independence is not independence
for political ends. Few even in J&K are unaware that residents of Pakistani
occupied portions of the State have received a much worse deal compared to
them. Hence, the demand for azadi is
merely the yearning to fulfill the unfinished agenda of partition, which is securing
a land of the pure, made even more pristine by the absence of those who do not
follow the doctrine of the ‘pure’.
Communal riots in J&K
are not a new phenomenon. The 1931 skirmish which resulted in cold blooded
killing of 31 Muslims by the Dogra troops resulted in an uprising which
immediately morphed into large scale attacks on Hindu lives and properties
across all regions of the State. In 1947-48, it was not the Pakistani troops
and Tribal invaders alone who targeted the Hindu population across areas which
are called POK today. Perhaps only a few care to remember that not only did the
towns of Mirpur, Muzaffarabad, Gilgit and Skardu have large Hindu populations,
the countryside, right upto Gilgit had significant pockets of Hindu presence.
Just a few weeks of mayhem and the entire POK was cleansed of non-Muslim
presence.
The more informed amongst
us, particularly of the liberal variety, justifiably condemn the disgraceful
conduct of Dogra troops when they, by their inaction, became party to massacre
of Muslims in some Hindu majority areas of Jammu. However, what many forget is
that overall; the conduct of the Muslim Police in Jammu was all the more reprehensible as it was an active participant in the massacre of Hindus, particularly
in areas of mixed population. Unlike what many would now like us to believe,
the mayhem in Indian areas of Jammu were plain communal riots in which there were a
large number of casualties from both the communities.
The events of 1947-48 were
not isolated in nature. Riots have recurred with nauseating frequency in the districts
of Ramban, Doda and Kishtwar. True, the casualties were never as high as those
in many other parts of the country but unlike those riots, the design behind
communal unrest in J&K has always been more sinister. On a very statistical
level, the absence of a large number of dead does not necessarily denote that
the riots were minor, particularly when the number of dead is juxtaposed
against the small populations of these districts. The Kashmiri Pandit community
too faced around a thousand direct killings in the last few years leading to
their forced exodus. The relatively small number against the supposed much
larger number of Muslim casualties are sought to be presented as proofs that
the terrorist movement in J&K is non-sectarian in nature. However, this
half truth cleverly glosses over the fact that the thousand odd dead belonged
to a small minority of some three lakhs, who overall comprised only some five
percent of the Valley’s population. In effect it meant that almost each
extended family was directly impacted by the terrorist activity – in form of a
dead cousin, uncle, nephew or in-laws.
The forced exile of Kashmiri
Pandits was not an overnight event. Disempowered and discriminated against by
the rulers, target of frequent riots, the targeted brutal public killings of
1989, threat letters and public warnings from mosques, the Kashmiri Hindu took
recourse to the only option he had. He left, perhaps never to return, the land
of his forefathers with only his life and barest of necessities as his
possessions. The residual Hindu community, holed up in villages continued to be
the target of both the terrorists and the locals alike and today, barely three
thousand Hindus survive, if it can be called such, in the Valley.
In this land of the pure, Anantnag
and Verinag of 1986 are history and will never be repeated. After all, one needs
an adversary to riot against. Still, the Valley is not tranquil. Each summer,
the Valley denizens manage to find some issue to rally around and vent their
hatred for India. Be it Shopian, Amarnath Land Transfer, Summer of 2010,
hanging of Afzal Guru or simply alleged army high-handedness, each
demonstration becomes the excuse for vandalizing of a few more temples and beating
up of the residual Hindus and migrant labour population in the Valley.
Some amongst us might
remember that the in the immediate afterglow of success of their ethnic
cleansing strategy in Kashmir, the terrorists had tried to replicate the same formulae
of targeted killings and public warnings in the undivided Doda district of
Jammu. A series of massacres, specifically targeting the minority Hindu
community, raised the specter of yet another forced exodus in the State.
Fortunately for the country, at helm was a Prime Minister, who believed in securing
his countrymen. It was PV Narasimha Rao who was instrumental in creating the
Village Defence Committees, which managed to secure the Doda district against
the nefarious designs of the terrorists.
This bulwark against the
secessionist movement and indeed the safeguard against yet another forced exile
of the Hindu minority is obviously not palatable to the secessionist forces of
the State. While the likes of Geelani and Yasin Malik have long called for
disbanding of these committees, now the Chief Minister of the State has joined their
ranks. That this demand does not arise from some intellectual conviction is starkly
obvious when we realize that this worthy does not appear to know that February in a non-leap year has only 28 days! Be it the demand for revocation of the
AFSPA or the pre-1953 autonomy for the state, there appears little
difference in between the political and secessionist belief systems in the
Valley. With a Central Government indifferent to their plight, it will not be
long before the hapless Hindu minority of the Muslim majority districts of
Jammu gets overwhelmed and is forced to share the fate of their co-religionists
from across the Pir Panjal.
Not only should the Village
Defence Committees not be disbanded, for the very simple reason that the secessionist
movement is still on, it is imperative that the artificial state of Jammu &
Kashmir, an agglomeration of disparate people and geographical entities,
brought together only by the expansionist zeal of the Dogra Kings, be restored
to its natural boundaries. Not only will a trifurcation of the State on
geographical lines secure the Hindu and Buddhist minorities of Jammu and
Ladakh, drawing of new borders and a new political establishment will ensure
that secessionist sympathies in the new states are crushed comprehensively.
It is likely that any move to trifurcate the state will face resistance from the secessionists as the dominant view in those circles seem to center around allowing only the heavily Hindu majority districts of Udhampur, Reasi and Kathua to separate from the State. The National Conference, it its controversial report on Regional Autonomy, which suspiciously mirrored the recommendations of the ISI backed Kashmir Study Group, has sought division of the Jammu & Ladakh regions on communal lines. The Muslim majority districts of Jammu and Ladakh have been positioned as the Pir Panjal & Chenab and the Kargil divisions respectively. Such arguments cannot be accepted as none of the Indian States with mixed majorities saw such granular partition. Had that been the case, Thar Parkar and Umerkote districts of Sindh and Chittagong from East Bengal would have been ceded to India. The trifurcation of J&K has to be on geographical lines alone, to protect the land and its people from an otherwise certain descent into chaos. The need of the hour is not some high sounding politically correct pontification but firm actions to secure large sections of our Nation from its adversaries.
It is likely that any move to trifurcate the state will face resistance from the secessionists as the dominant view in those circles seem to center around allowing only the heavily Hindu majority districts of Udhampur, Reasi and Kathua to separate from the State. The National Conference, it its controversial report on Regional Autonomy, which suspiciously mirrored the recommendations of the ISI backed Kashmir Study Group, has sought division of the Jammu & Ladakh regions on communal lines. The Muslim majority districts of Jammu and Ladakh have been positioned as the Pir Panjal & Chenab and the Kargil divisions respectively. Such arguments cannot be accepted as none of the Indian States with mixed majorities saw such granular partition. Had that been the case, Thar Parkar and Umerkote districts of Sindh and Chittagong from East Bengal would have been ceded to India. The trifurcation of J&K has to be on geographical lines alone, to protect the land and its people from an otherwise certain descent into chaos. The need of the hour is not some high sounding politically correct pontification but firm actions to secure large sections of our Nation from its adversaries.
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