In Defence of Baba Ramdev

The ‘success’ of Anna’s fast has had an interesting collateral damage – the near complete decimation of Baba Ramdev’s credibility as a crusader against corruption. While Anna has certainly been hugely successful in mobilizing public opinion against one of the most effete and corrupt Governments India has seen (that sadly, is not saying much), it will be too much for even the most optimistic of souls to proclaim that the struggle for Jan Lokpal succeeded. While we will analyze and certainly defend Anna’s struggle separately, it will be more worthwhile to dwell a little on Baba Ramdev’s struggle and failure.

Compared to the campaign run for Jan Lokpal, which was more of an instant cause, Baba Ramdev’s campaign against Black Money had been on for the last two years with the Baba using his country wide yoga camps and televised shows to disseminate his message. It was Baba Ramdev who had been the moving force behind India Against Corruption and it was in the Baba’s Ramlila Maidan Rally earlier this year, that overwhelmed by the large gathering, Anna had touched Baba’s feet, proclaimed that he now believes that corruption would be eliminated in India and had declared his support for the fast. Baba Ramdev was among the prime financers of the April fast by Anna and had a significant role in crowd mobilization and in all probability being the force behind the ‘communal’ Bharat Mata portrait on the stage.

Yet, while Anna moved from relative obscurity to becoming a National icon in course of his four days April fast, a more organized and powerful Baba Ramdev found himself pushed to the corner in spite of mobilizing a huge crowd, right on day one of his fast unto death. While the build up to Baba Ramdev’s fast had seen Team Anna extend its support to him and the brutal crackdown did elicit strong reaction from them, very soon, it became clear that with the Baba tying himself in knots, he was to be more of a liability than an asset to Team Anna. Hence, from being its patron financier mobilizer, he was reduced to a mere by stander, not allowed to even meet Anna, when the latter was incarcerated at Tihar Jail.

The countdown to Ramdev’s political oblivion begun, ironically, with his meetings with Kapil Sibal. Having given a routine undertaking, the Baba found little maneuvering space once the Government declared that he had reneged on his promises. While the brutal and unwarranted crackdown of police temporarily did give the halo of a martyr to Ramdev, his call for a trained army of volunteers and inability to carry on the fast showed him to be an unworthy leader. While the political immaturity of Baba Ramdev has certainly played a huge role in his humiliation; just watch him fumble and get aggressive and defensive by turns, when asked probing questions, there can be little doubt that the hostile role played by the media has served to undercut Baba Ramdev more than he actually deserved. While the media, particularly the English news channels had always been openly contemptuous of this rustic, saffron clad mendicant from rural Haryana, the fact of his dressing in a salwar to flee the police crackdown were replayed again and again to forcefully reinforce the point on Baba’s cowardice. Semi-celebrities like Sonam Kapoor declared him a bigot for his anti-homosexuality views while the Shabnam Hashmis of the world managed to snoop out a Godhra in his designs. Compared to the crescendo of well-deserved condemnation of the Government’s attempt to muffle voice of protest, when Anna was arrested, the outrage following the Ramlila Maidan crackdown was certainly more muted and the ELM condemnation was tinged with glee at the saffronite being shown his rightful place.

Yet, while criticizing both Baba Ramdev’s immaturity and the role of the media, one should not lose sight of the fact the Baba Ramdev’s chief advisor, Shri Govindacharya made himself absent when the crackdown happened and was not to be seen when Ramdev was further tying himself up in knots the coming days. While only the inner circle will know on what exactly, whether hints of megalomania in Baba Ramdev’s conduct, his probable disregard for advice or any other factor prompted Govindacharya to disassociate himself with the fast post crackdown, it cannot be denied that after having guided and mentored the Bharat Swabhiman movement for greater part of the last two years, Govindacharya owed it to its followers to have presented himself to steady the rocky boat of the movement. However, if Govindacharya did indeed move away on account of controversies associated with Ramdev, he would have played true to his upbringing in the RSS ideology where even the slightest stain on honour or association with trouble makes you a person-non-grata in the parivar.

Coming back to Anna’s recent fast, the parliament’s ‘sense of the house’ has given an honourable cloak of retreat to Team Anna, something which was made to resemble a victory over Jan Lokpal by our spin doctors. However, this has meant that the Baba comes out all the more poor compared to Anna – a fortyish yoga guru unable to fast for seven days vis-à-vis a septuagenarian fasting for 12 days and more critically a loser as compared to a winner. Had Team Anna had to withdraw without a modicum of victory, there would still have been a decent number of people who would have placed their bets on Baba Ramdev’s movement against black money. But now that we have a ready winner in Anna, few, other than his personal followers would want to side with him in his crusade. A discernible indicator to this is media and public reaction to Government actions against him vis-à-vis the former’s reaction to Government actions against Team Anna. While Baba Ramdev has been declared guilty before even crimes being identified, (just like how the Kanchi Shankaracharya’s guilt was established), allegations against the Bhushans’ and Arvind Kejriwal have been trashed without analysis of their merits, if any.

Finally, while Team Anna’s intent to fight corruption is noble, the tool of Jan Lokpal is more akin to Gandhi taking up the Salt Tax issue to fight colonialism! Salt tax was not repealed in spite of the Salt Satyagrah’s success in mobilizing people. Likewise, the Jan Lokpal, an envisioned by Anna’s team is unlikely to see the day, if for nothing else, on account of the glaring drawbacks of the said proposal. Compared to the Jan Lokpal, it can be argued that the demands put forth by Baba Ramdev, i.e., Declaring accounts of Indians in tax havens as national property; Declaring stashing away black money in tax havens as national crime; Setting up of fast track courts in all states to deal specially with corruption issues; Removal of high denomination currency notes from the economy; Enactment of a strong Public Service Delivery Guarantee Act and Removing the Land Acquisition Act; will have a more profound and long lasting impact on the public life in country.

Whither BJP?

It is unlikely that a party which believes that it will get lucky the way Congress did in 2004, will read much in the assembly election results for the five states. Since the party in question has never bothered to compare  its scraggly grassroots structure with Congress’s undeniable presence, however skeletal, in the five lakh odd villages across the country, it has all along believed that the right amount of intrigue will allow it to have yet another stint at the center. While it is surprising that this mentality does not seem to have changed, even after 7 years of National irrelevance, what is certainly more inexplicable is the fact that this ostrich like approach has been adopted by leaders who attained power only after cutting their teeth in agitational street politics. Since we haven’t had a generational change of leadership yet, we still have the same set of ‘young’ leaders presiding over the BJP’s sure but steady decline.

While Pranab’s Mukherjee’s comments on the BJP’s performance may be termed churlish, there is no denial that the failure to register its presence in states comprising 116 Lok Sabha seats indicate that the general voter is still hesitant to trust the BJP. Leave aside having the Lotus bloom in Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Bengal, Puducherry and Assam, the party has had to face the ignominy of seeing its presence shrink in Assam, the only state where it had an outside chance of coming to power.

Let us look at some figures:

Kerala: BJP came second in three seats, up from the regular runner up position in two seats. While there may some substance in allegations of UDF-LDF vote transfer, it is not their opponent’s but BJP’s business to see that they win a seat. Regarding vote share; while they do seem to have registered a 1.25% rise, it still brings them to 6.05%, close to the 5.85% and 5.75%, they had registered in 2001 and 1996 polls respectively. Otherwise, the figures are lower than what they had managed in the civic polls left last year. In a nutshell, BJP remains where it was a decade back.

Tamil Nadu: BJP came second in 1 seat and no, it was not Nagercoil, which it was expecting to win. Vote share wise, it got less than 3% votes. While it was still better than 2006 elections, BJP had indeed won the Ramanathpuram seat in 1996 polls when it had fought without entering into any alliance. Yet again, no forward movement for the part in the last 15 years

Assam: While BJP’s seats have halved, its vote share has fallen only by a percent. The dichotomy in seats and votes is explained by the fact that while its increased presence in Upper Assam was not sufficient enough to translate into votes, reduced vote share in Barak valley ensured that it lost what it had. Anyways, 11% vote share and runner up spot in 24 seats can at best make a party a pressure group, not the ruling party in any state. And this is a state which has held huge promise for the BJP right from 1991. In the last 20 years though, overall the BJP has remained where it was. To blame the AGP for its bad performance, i.e., not forming an alliance is as asinine an excuse as it could be. This excuse by itself is sufficient proof that the BJP was more interested in piggy backing the AGP that emerging as a credible alternative to the Congress in Assam

West Bengal: The current assembly polls are the worst performance of the BJP in Bengal in the last two decades. While in 1991, it managed the runner up spot in quite a few constituencies and bagged a healthy 11.34% vote share, it came down to 6.45% in 1996, further down to 5.19% in 2001 and around 4% now. Forget about many seats, the closest they came to winning was at Madarihat (otherwise considered a sure shot win), where the candidate scored only 25% of popular vote as against a 38% share in 2009 General Elections. In no other seat could the party come remotely close to replicating even the Madarihat performance. Quite a fall for the party focusing on Bengal for than a year now.

What is obvious from BJP’s performance is that the rewards of anti incumbency or any anger against the UPA government will be reaped by the party / leader seen as a credible alternative. With the propensity of BJP’s current leadership to fight is battles in television studios and five star hotels, it is not a surprise that people have little trust in BJP’s ability to offer a credible alternative. A party which has turned its back on its core constituency and does not have any ideology to speak of, can only be a weak clone of the Congress and with the original very much around, why should one vote for the wannabe? Results from Bengal, Kerala and Assam clearly indicate that even the vulnerable Hindu community has reposed faith in TMC, LDF and the Congress, respectively, rather than trusting the ostensible protector of the Hindus.

However, to be fair to the BJP, it did try hard to register its presence as far as campaigning is concerned. Without paying any attention to the carping of an ex-nationalist commentator, it would be fair to state that the party’s endeavor to increase its presence, so that they be of incremental benefit to potential allies. BJP won allies in the 1990s only because the allies felt threatened that their space could be occupied by the BJP or because BJP gave them enough incremental support to challenge Congress in their respective states. Why should any party have a NPA as an ally, after all? Only, fighting elections alone does not make a party powerful. It is finally people’s support that matters and people like to believe in leaders they support. Sadly for the BJP, its discredited central leadership is yet to hang up boots and likewise, it is yet to produce a crop of leaders which could set a popular agenda. Leave aside these states, the BJP's performance in Pipraich Assembly bypolls in UP, where it managed to just about hang on to its vote share and third position, indicates that the UP turnaround is yet to happen. A feeling of jubiliation on Left's defeat will be foolhardy for while a weakened Left may imply death of a Third Front, there still lies an option of a 'Fourth Front', a motely group of parties garnering enough seats to form a rag tag Government for some time. Expecting a hamstrung Gadkari, who anyways did not exactly have a great innings in Maharashtra, to do wonders to the party all by himself, is expecting too much from him.

It is funny that some sections of the media have yet again blamed the RSS for BJP’s poor performance in the polls. Hello, where has the RSS been in BJP’s functioning / electioneering except for exceptions like Madhya Pradesh? Who knows, probably the absence of RSS/VHP/BD volunteers is something which has been impacting the efficacy of BJP’s electioneering!

Election Results: Ominous signs

Like any other elections, results declared on May 13, 2011 have brought cheer to the victims and gloom to the vanquished. While individual states may seem to have given either a thumbs up or a thumbs down to their ruling parties basis ‘local’ issues, a few trends emerging out of these results seem to augur ill for the country in the long run. Please don’t accuse me of stating that State Elections are fought on ‘National’ issues. I would in fact, go to the other end and say that in an election without any emotive central theme, most General Elections are an amalgam of many minor state elections. At the same time, what one cannot deny is that National issues do have a significant impact on the people voting to elect their state government. Hence, results of State Elections are seen as a portent of the people think of a ‘National’ party. Not so long back, it was BJP’s rout in 2007 UP elections which showed itself incapable of forming a strong parliamentary core to any NDA Government, with the loss in cosmopolitan Delhi showing inefficacy of its campaign to people. People voting for local issues do not necessarily jettison the ‘National’ issues at head and may decide to opt for the more ‘pressing’ priority on hand.

Hence, while the people of Tamil Nadu seem to have punished DMK for its corrupt and arrogant ways, of Kerala having withdrawn from the levels of disdain they had displayed towards LDF in the General Elections, people in Bengal seem to have voted for a long overdue change rather than positively reposing faith in the Congress policies. Tiny Pondicherry, has in its own way, has either punished the incumbent (?), rewarded its favorite son (?) or turned its back to the corrupt Congress regime in Delhi (?). Inexplicable, however, has been the choice of the Assamese for they seem to have rewarded a corrupt government, which did not have much to show to its credit and which, by all accounts, was hard pressed to retain even its current seat tally

While it is certainly the case that the scenario of all parties having tasted power at some time or the other has meant that people are no longer having any illusion of one being better than the other. At the same time, it doesn’t mean that the incumbent can go on reaping fruits of office without fear of punishment. After all, even if opposition parties get a share of spoils, that share will certainly be much lesser than what the rulers get and would not percolate at the same rate to their grass-root workers. Hence, the pain of being out of office, and by default, having lesser share of the ‘cream’ should be sufficient to act as a punishing tool for any non-performing corrupt ruling party. Hence, there is no reason why a Tamil Nadu should not vote out a DMK and Assam a Congress.

What is ominous for the country is the clear emergence of minority communal politics as being THE deciding factor in electoral politics. While the newspapers are full of VS Achyutanandan’s heroic campaign against the UDF, relatively little attention has been paid to the fact that the war against corruption seems to have impacted only the Hindu electorate with the Christian and Muslim groups reposing faith in Congress. Lest I be accused of being alarmist, let’s look at some facts and statistics: The UDF comprised of 9 parties these elections and of these, the Socialist Janata Dal is led by a Jain and Janathipathiya Samrakshana Samithy led by a Hindu. Of the others, while 6 of them are led by Christians the balance IUML, is led by a Muslim. Of these 9 parties, the only Hindu led party does not have any representation in this Kerala assembly. In effect, the ruling front now is a minority front, having won on account of consolidation of Muslim and Christian votes. Of course, Hindu support is there but certainly, to imagine that the front will stand for Hindu interests is laughable. Even this UDF victory has been brought about by the spectacular performance of the IUML, which has won 20 of the 24 seats it contested, having virtually swept the Muslim majority Malappuram. Obviously, affinity to community leaders was a more important criterion for deciding their voting preference for the minority communities. It is for the first time that we now have a ‘mainstream’ state of India, being ruled by the ostensible minorities, in spirit and in reality. Lest is sound unconvincing, let us have a look at numbers again. Of the 140 MLAs, 73 are Hindus, 37 Muslims and 30 Christians; More importantly, in the UDF, of its 72 MLAs, only 26 are Hindus while 29 are Muslims and 17 are Christians, i.e., 70% of the ruling class belong to 'minority' communities.

It is interesting that compared to previous LDF stints, the Achyutanandan regime witnessed lesser number of clashes in between the LDF and RSS cadres. Was it because of the not so covert cultivation of the Malayalee Hindu by Achyutanandan? Even now, compared to the local body polls, LDF’s vote share seems to have gone up by roughly the same degree by which the BJP’s vote share has fallen. Did it mean that, faced with a spectacle of even more assertive minority politics, a section of BJP’s voters simply moved to the LDF? If that be so, corruption was not an issue even in Kerala. It will however be foolhardy to imagine this as being the beginning of a more rational left position on issues of secularism. A group of people defined by their visceral hatred of Indian culture and religion can only exploit sentiments and insecurities and not protect the vulnerable.

Coming to West Bengal, it cannot be wished away that Mamata Banerjee was more than aggressive in her wooing of Muslims. Right from the issue of Rizwan’s suicide to tom-toming of the Sachar committee’s report, she has been assiduously trying to paint herself as the new champion of minorities, reciting namaaz in rallies and taking care to cover herself with a green shawl all the times. Even in an issue as ghastly as Deganga, where Muslim hooligans desecrated temples and attacked a hapless Hindu minority, she maintained a studied silence and only accused the RSS/BJP of dividing people. In a state which already had a declared 30% Muslim population in the 2001 census itself, it is likely that this percentage has only increased and they, in effect, decide the rulers of the state. Anyways, the state assembly now has the highest number of Muslims ever elected (59 and around 20% of the assembly) and even the vanquished left has around one third of its MLAs from the minority community. With the defeat of both Buddhadeb Bhattacharya and Gautam Deb, it is likely that the next Left Front Leader would be a Muslim, an overt attempt to mend bridges with the community which has moved to TMC in the last couple of years.

Most inexplicable has been the state of Assam where a Government, buffeted on various fronts, has managed to increase its vote share so spectacularly. Not only has the issue of corruption, both at the State and the National levels, failed to have an impact, the voting suggests a clear consolidation of the Muslim votes in favor of Congress and the AUDF. This, however, still does not explain the victory of Congress in Upper Assam, which has turned its back to both the BJP and AGP. OHere again, maximum number of Muslims have made as legislators till date; 28 or around 25% of the assembly strength. 16 of the 18 AIUDF members are Muslims while 10 of Congress MLAs belong to this community. ne more state seems to have fallen irretrievably to minority politics of the darkest kind.

As expected, the ELM is full of advice to the Left on ‘mending’ its ideology to appeal to the new age. It seems that they miss the point of Left ideology having emerged a victor in this election too. Mamata Banerjee has spared no efforts to underline her commitment to Ma, Mati Manush and has openly proclaimed herself to represent the ‘true’ communist thought. She is all pains to explain that the old ‘communists’ were good while the current are ‘bad’. And what is bad about them: Only the fact that they tried to bring in industrialization and free market economics (of course, by most reprehensible of means but being adopted by State Governments of all colours). It was this desire to change that proved their nemesis. What does the ELM want the Left to change to? No one, not even the ELM seems to know. Little has, on the other hand been said about the barbaric culture they represented, the way they made politics a tool of retribution and violence, how they subverted institutes, killed dissent and made the party an extension of the Government. While the change was long overdue and it is certainly Left’s defeat in 2009 Lok Sabha elections which gave the hapless people a confidence that CPM can actually be defeated, if Mamata’s protestations about her being the ‘true’ communist are correct, a culture change may still elude Bengal.

In the other fortress where Left stands vanquished, issues have never been about ideology for both the UDF and LDF represented same thought process. In spite of its defeat, the Communist thought process is too deeply ingrained in the academia and the political establishment to whiter away just like that.

In a way, not only do these state elections results represent victory of minority communalism, they represent the ever reducing impact of larger issue in public decision making. With corruption being the mantra of the day, no one talks about price rise, which anyways seem to be as ineffectual an election issue as corruption and public loot. Even Tamil Nadu results, which seem to be a saving grace will be rendered meaningless if, the victor walks over to the mother bee of corruption, something which she does not seem averse to.

Fight to Finish

‘Struggle’ is a peculiar Chinese invention combining intimidation, humiliation and sheer exhaustion. Briefly described, it is an intellectual gang-beating of one man by many, sometimes even thousands, in which the victim has no defense, even the truth…. The technique was a thing of utter simplicity: A fierce and pitiless crescendo of screams demanding that the victim confess, followed by raucous hoots of dissatisfaction with any answer he gave them… The Struggle was born in the thirties, when the communists first began making headway in great rural stretches of China. Developed over the years by trial and error, it became the standard technique of interrogating the landlords and their enemies who fell into the hands of rebellious peasants. There is a system and real rationale behind it all. The Communists were and remain very formalistic. A man must be made to confess before he is punished, even if his punishment has been decided beforehand. The captured landlord was pushed, shoved or carried to a handy open area and forced to kneel and bow his head as dozens or hundreds or thousands of peasants began surrounding him. Screamed at, insulted, slapped, spat upon, sometimes beaten, hopelessly confused and terrorized, no victim could hold out for long. ... There is never a time limit to a Struggle. It can go on indefinitely if the leaders of the game feel that not enough contrition has developed. .. a Struggle is rarely resolved quickly; that would be too easy. At the beginning, even if the victim tells the truth or grovellingly admits to any accusation hurled at him, his every word will be greeted with insults and shrieks of contradictions. … After three or four days the victim begins inventing sins he has never committed, hoping that an admission monstrous enough might win him a reprieve. After a week of Struggle, he is willing to go to any lengths. 

Source: Bao Ruo-wnag (Jean Pasgualini), Prisoner of Mao (New York, Penguin Books, 1976, 59)

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Whatever ills may be attributed to our own liberal intelligentsia, they cannot be faulted on their commitment to the Red Book and their efforts to Indianise the war to dominate thinking prowess of a free Nation. Since India is a socialist democracy and not a ‘People’s’ Democracy, the way China is, there are of course, limits to what the leftists can do as far as replicating ‘Struggle’ in Indian context. Hence, while a physical ‘Struggle’ may not be feasible, a propaganda struggle is certainly within the realms of the doable. Like any struggle which requires an adversary and  foot soldiers to wage the war, the lines here too are clearly drawn – the feudal adversaries are those who can be called Nationalists, traditionalists, religious, law-abiding and those who believe in a culture defined way of life. The foot soldiers on the other hand are petty journalists, news anchors, ambitious politicians and their ilk – all guided by figures who may possess different backgrounds, but are brought together by their visceral hated of India.

In case such words seem out of place in our context and one may be moved to question if I am indeed talking about India, my request to the discerning observer would be to look around and judge for oneself, if the no-holds barred attack on Hindu Nationalism can qualify as anything less than a war fought with utmost application of Fascist principles.

The fact that the Indian Nation is a Hindu majority state cannot be wished away. Likewise, the fact that the majority of our population is religious and still retains its ties with its old cultural moorings is equally valid. That in times of struggle, people fall back upon religion and cultural totems for sustenance is another fact which social scientists of all hues will accept unquestioningly. Hence, it is not surprising that our Nation, with its tradition of deifying whatever it respects, considers the Land as a Divinity to be worshipped. Likewise, it shouldn’t surprise anyone to note that our freedom struggle was full of Hindu imagery and thoughts, right from Bankim Chandra to Gandhi. It was precisely this mooring to our cultural heritage that made independent India choose Sanskrit words and ancient motifs as its emblems and at the same time allowed Congressmen to associate with Nationalist organizations without guilt. 

However, things have changed and over the years and we now have a scenario where anything remotely associated to Hindu Religion or Culture is rabidly denounced as Communal. We have to bear witness to ridiculous scenes of icons being boycotted for hailing Narendra Modi’s model of development (though Modi is as away from being a Hindu Nationalist as possible), PILs being filed claiming dilution of Indian secularism when a bhoomi puja is conducted for commencing construction of High Court building, another crescendo of complaints that this secularism is compromised when mortal remains of a revered religious leader are draped in Indian tricolor, another controversy when the President professes her faith towards a religious sect - the list is endless and can go on and on.

It was not so long back that country was stuck by a series of bomb blasts. While none of the alleged perpetrators of these crimes have been punished till date, the entire investigative and judicial system seems to have zeroed in only on the so-called Hindu terror, which even if true, together has caused far lesser damage and casualties compared to even a single blast in Mumbai.

The entire state machinery, with able abetment of the press seems to have taken it upon itself to tar the RSS and associated Nationalist organizations with the polemical brush of communal terrorism. For a person to be declared an RSS wallah, it is enough to put a stop to his/her career, particularly if that person belongs to academia, performing fields, judiciary and bureaucracy. Since the pronouncements of all learned judges are not music to ears of our thought police, even as respected and upright judges as JS Verma and MN Venkatchalliah are today denounced for their ‘rightist’ leanings. While an AP Shah, whose only claim to fame is decriminalization of homosexuality, is feted as a progressive and right thinking judge, an erudite and thorough judge like Markendya Katju is dismissed as being sanctimonious and of donning  saffron behind his black robes.

One could imagine the furore it would have caused, had someone criticized the Nobel committee for having awarded the prize to Amartya Sen, solely on account of he being a leftist. Not surprisingly though, today’s vitiated atmosphere allows the Karnataka Governor to get away with a recommendation of not awarding a renowned literary figure only on account of his pro-Hindutva leanings. 

Works published by those scholars, who had in the past, spoken in support of the Ayodhya movement, are dismissed as communal rantings without even a cursory review, while dismissal of a noted danseuse from her official post is justified on account of her having sung in some function where some RSS leader was present. 

The closest this Nation has come to in organising mass movements in the last few years was around Anna Hazare’s fast for a Lokpal bill. Sadly, the fact that there was a Bharat Mata portrait, that Vande Ma Taram was chanted and that hawans were conducted, have proven to be proofs potent enough to have convinced our gullible friends that the entire event was stage managed by the RSS. What are these ‘secularists’ trying to convey? That any person who is a patriot is an RSS wallah or that the RSS has sole copyright over patriotism? Or more critically, is patriotism a vice or being religious and being moored to one's culture a taboo?

Are we far from that stage that mere whiff of association with our Gods, our temples and our forefathers, enough to cast aspersion on our commitment to democracy and civilization? Forget about us ever having a fresco of Rama in the Parliament or having Ganesha/Lakhsmi on our currency note, a re-evaluation of Gandhi will certainly show his to be a hardcore communalist.

While I may find lots of areas of improvement in RSS’s functioning, cannot deny that for good or bad, the RSS has occupied a banyan like presence in the sphere of Hindu Nationalism. Hence, any attack on the Hindu Right must necessarily mean an assault on the RSS and its associates. With allegations being thrown around thick and fast, it is but likely that even hardcore RSS supporters would find it more and more inconvenient to continue their association with the RSS. With the Government, Media and ‘civil society’ seemingly determined to finish off the RSS and the thought process which sustains it, it is likely that sometime in the near future, we may see a reappraisal of what happened in Tibet a few decades back.

These struggles were diabolically cruel criticism meetings where children were made to accuse their parents of imaginary crimes, where farmers were made to denounce and beat up their landlords; where pupils were made to degrade their teachers; where every shred of dignity in a person was torn to pieces by his people, his children and loved ones. Old lamas were made to have sex with prostitutes in public. And often, the accused was beaten, spat and urinated upon. Every act of degradation was heaped upon him – and it killed him in more ways than one. When someone was through in a thamzing session, no one ever spoke of him again. He was no martyr for the people, because the people had killed him. His death lay in the hands of those who honoured and remembered him; but in their guilt, the people tried to forget him and the shameful part they had played in his degradation. 

Source: Jamyang Norbu, Warriors of Tibet, 133) Warriors of Tibet: The Story of Aten and the Khampas' Fight for the Freedom of Their Country (originally titled Horseman in the Snow), Wisdom, 1987, Wisdom Pub

Anna jaise Hazaron ho?

Shri Anna Hazare’s fast, pressing for introduction of Jan Lokpal Bill has captured the imagination of the Nation and the entire political class has been shaken with the hype it has generated. The Government of India had to capitulate and prima facie, has accepted Anna’s demands. Even if nothing tangible comes out in form of an empowered Lokpal finally, the fast has certainly served to channelize the growing impatience of public with the state of affairs of our country. However, beyond the hype, it would do good to appreciate that the support which Anna drew was more on cyberspace and would-do-anything-for-eyeballs media rather than on ground. Even after 4 days of fast, the maximum crowd which Anna could draw up was around 6,000, a tiny number by any reckoning.

Without in any way belittling Anna’s efforts to clean the system, it is my humble submission that his right thinking supporters will do good to evaluate if righteousness of the larger cause is sufficient reason to ignore fallacies of the immediate cause around which campaign has been built.

While there cannot be any doubt that the Augean stables of corruption need to be cleaned, will the Jan Lokpal Bill model, as proposed by Hazare, really be a panacea to our ills? The model bill proposes a draconian authority that would be larger than any of the elected or nominated constitutional authorities. Looking at authorities like the Election Commission of India, while the Nation may owe a debt of gratitude to TN Sheshan, the havoc a Naveen Chawla like person could have wreaked, had he enjoyed powers like Sheshan did in his heydays, can only be imagined. Likewise, when we know that nomination to most august of bodies is only made by Government and that too from its preferred bunch of bureaucrats and retired judges, can it really be in the interest of larger society to have so powerful an individual to be at helm?

A more critical evaluation is required on the aspect of ‘civil society’ participation. Firstly, what exactly is civil society? Does it mean representatives from cross section of public or does it mean a group of people only with decidedly leftist leanings? If it means the latter, than automatically, at least one quarter of the entire Indian population, majority of the professional / middle classes and an entire thought process, is completely exluded. Even more critically, does it mean representation of people with dubious backgrounds and funding and even more dubious intentions? Who do we have in the name of this civil society today? A Teesta Setalvad who has had numerous strictures, a Cedric Prakash, who manufactures all sorts of lies, a Arundhati Roy, who berates the idea of India, the likes of Agnivesh, who has been expelled by his own ilk but goes around in saffron robes? Who or what has given the idea that a Nation run by a group of shady individuals, with even more shady funding and shadier intents, would be better than our politicians? As far as morals (or the lack of it), biases and thick skin are concerned, our ‘civil society’ members would put many a seasoned politicians to shame.

That said and in spite of the fact that I find Anna’s antidote to corruption woolly headed and impractical, it is sad that this well meaning personality is being subject to attack from the left, right and center. Politicians and columnists have sneeringly called for Anna to fight an election and many have accused him of subverting the constitution. His fast unto death has been denounced as blackmail and tactics undemocratic. While the left sees him as a stooge of the Hindu Nationalists, further certified by his apparent praise for Narendra Modi, the Right sees him being propped by the Congress to subvert Baba Ramdev’s own movement against corruption. Whatever the truth may be, one cannot deny that if the rulers of the day are insensitive, tools used to wake them out of their slumber cannot be of their choice. Had the rulers alone been final arbiters’ of dissent, social revolutions in any part of the world would not have happened, pre independence INC would have forever remained a party of prayers and petitions and Indira’s dictatorial rule would have continued unabated. Desperate times call for desperate measures and the state where India is in today, with the Nation sold to crony capitalists, the babus and the netas, there is little hope for the common middle class person if a well meaning individual is thus ridiculed!

No Mutinies for this Country

By its own stormy standards, Indian political scene has been quite sedate since the later half of the 1990s, particularly as far as agitational movements are concerned. Sure, we had two regime changes; in the form of NDA assuming power followed by a more unexpected UPA victory in 2004. However, unlike regime changes of 1977 and 1989, the BJP’s advent to power was calmer and wasn’t an immediate result of masses taking to the streets. The case of Congress’s victory in 2004 was probably as close to a bloodless coup as it could be, with the party having been gifted power, without it practically having had had to lift a finger. 

Some may disagree to the assertion that the last decade or so has been calm and point to numerous boycotts, parliament disruptions and petitions by the opposition and buttress their contention further by highlighting that the political faultlines were probably not as sharply drawn ever before. However, to equate parliamentary agitation and television studio debates with street level agitation would be to mistake the woods for the trees.  Certainly, verbal volleys in a studio cannot be equated to masses screaming and demonstrating in public spaces! 

One would wonder as to why has Indian politics, which has had a history of mass agitations for over a hundred years now, been slowly moving away from streets to studios. This movement becomes more inexplicable when one goes back to the genesis of Indian politics and realizes that other than serving as a mouthpiece to nascent Nationalist sentiments, the petition and prayer based approach of Gopal Krishna Gokhle and other notables did little to further India’s case for freedom. On the other hand, Tilak and Gandhi, whatever their success, did indeed transform our elitist struggle to a mass movement. Even post independence, be it the regional parties or the National level movements like the Navnirman and Ram Janmabhoomi, electoral success and impact greeted those who were willing to test themselves against police batons. 

Then why have the political parties, particularly those in the opposition, moved away from agitationist politics? Why don’t we see an outpouring of public anger on streets rather than continuously viewing meaningless maudlin debates on televisions? Could the reason be something as simple as increasing costs of public mobilization? But then haven’t the ‘rewards’ of power multiplied many times over? Or could the reason be the general public’s disenchantment with political movements. Could be and can we blame them? All those who they had supported were found acting the way their hated predecessors did. What use then to get out, shout slogans and have more of the same! Some other reasons which could partially explain lower levels of public involvement with politics would center around greater prosperity of the general public or more so – shift towards a service economy where the same middle class of Navnirnam and Ayodhya is worried about its limited leave and sullying of its service record. Another could be a rising class consciousness where rallies would invariably mean some degree of shoulder rubbing with the unwashed masses. And the crowning glory would certainly be the oft repeated shrill media mantra – ‘No place for shrillness’ in public debate any longer. Without doubt, rallies of over a lakh of participants belong to a different era. Forget about lakhs, even a 5,000 strong crowd is sufficient to warm cockles of the heart of even the most weather beaten politicos today. 

Has the world indeed changed and people do not care about processions or is there something more to it than what meets the eye? Is there something more selfish in the opposition’s obvious disinterest in running any sustained issue based campaign against the ruling party? Is it that there is some understanding between the rulers and the opposition wherein the opposition is a part of the ruling system, partaking a share of spoils of power? Indeed, there is little difference between the BJP and the Congress when in power, except for the hoary issue of ‘minority appeasement’. When both the parties have in their own ways, promoted crony capitalism and institutionalized Corporatocracy, how does it matter that much if one’s share of power is limited. 

Looking at India, one might be forgiven to believe that the country is ripe for a ‘Lotus Revolution’ of its own kind. This is a country where less than 100 families control around a third of the country’s GDP, where a vast majority of its people live on the edge, criminals abound among the law makers and law enforcers and there is an open loot of whatever goods are still designated as ‘public’. However, a people, fatalistic by nature, now further opiated by the thought of their impending greatness do not make the best of revolutionaries. India is no Tunisia, no Egypt and certainly not a East European country where masses come on street to demand a positive change. The closest we ever had to a mass movement of this nature was probably the Navnirman movement which tamely petered out once emergency was declared. If a broad based people’s movement, led by a towering immaculate leader could not succeed then, there is little reason why people would be willing to be on streets today. Yet again, even during those days, the general unrest left the South and North East virtually unaffected. Perhaps the sheer size and diversity of Indians will ensure that any movement will always have a local or at most a para-National nature.  So, while India may continue to have its million mutinies, there is never a danger to those who rule over more that a billion inhabitants of this land.

Is our Flag National for only parts of the Country?

As I write this piece, the sham over BJP's proposed Flag Hoisting at Lal Chowk on the occasion of Republic Day continues unabated. A sham it is for neither the party which is ostensibly exercising its Constitutional right on Indian Land nor those, who profess that their concerns lie with maintaining of law and order and providing the 'healing touch' to the 'oppressed' masses of Kashmir are in any ways bothered with their professed interests.

The arguments in favour of allowing the BJP to hoist the tricolour seem quite strong for no one in his mind can deny that the Constitution and Courts allow any Indian Citizen to carry the National Flag and Jammu & Kashmir, for all its insurgency, is still governed as Indian territory. That said, it is the BJP's championing of the cause of the National Flag that leaves one with feelings of unease. After all, it is that party which did not hesitate to jettison the very cause which brought it to the forefront of Indian politics and more importantly, nothing which it did in Jammu & Kashmir, during its reign at the centre can be remotely said to be a symbol of muscular Nationalism that it proclaims to uphold. It is a party which seems bereft of any ideology and any commitment to anything save a naked pursuit of power, with leaders who are more worried about the opinions being peddled by Marxists-Leninists in television studios. While what exactly is the motive behind BJP's march may be left open to question, what seems to be beyond doubt is the unlikeliness of they being driven by Shyama Prasad Mookherjee's ultimate sacrifice in 1953.

But before descending to a wholesale condemnation of the BJP's yatra, let us for a moment pause and evaluate the arguments against allowing the flag hoisting at Srinagar. The most commonly repeated ones are:

• BJP should force RSS to hoist the National Flag at Nagpur - RSS is a social organization and not owned by the Government of India. Their Nagpur premises are not owned by the Government nor is that land a public land. How can then the organization, even if they don't desire to hoist the tricolour be forced to do so? Moreover, the RSS does hoist the flag on select occasions and most importantly, what is the connection in between Lal Chowk and Keshav Kunj?

• Kashmir's fragile peace will shatter - Firstly, Kashmir's fragile peace was brought about more by the advent of winters, fatigue of the common agitationist and some success of security forces to intercept key leaders of the summer agitation and not because a dim-witted panel of some deadwood started doing rounds of the state. Kashmir valley doesn't really require sound reason to start bloody agitations - think 1990 Pandit cleansing, 2008 Amarnath Yatra opposition, 2009 Shopian supposed rape and 2010 (God alone knows the reason). Further, the last yatra was successfully conducted way back in 1991 when terrorism was at its peak. When that flag hoisting did not simmer the cauldron further, where is the reason to think that this flag hoisting will trigger events which will lead to unforeseen consequences for all involved.

• BJP is playing politics with the National flag - Of course yes. Its a political party isn't it? And except for extremely rare instances in world history, when have change movements been distinct from political parties or leaders who lead them? If the Congress's pandering to minority appeasement through a Sachar committee is fine, what is wrong with the BJP using more constitutional means to appeal to its constituency?

• Flag hoisting will hurt minority sentiments - Please note. By contending thus, the 'secular' lobby itself is simply reinforcing the suspicion that even 64 years after getting their 'Land of the Pure', the largest minority is not Indian cenough and that their the tricolour hoisting is an insult to them. Do these 'seculars' even realise the import of what they are saying? First it was Vande Ma Taram which insulted minorities, now it is the tricolour which insults minorities. What next? Being called Indians insults minorities??

• Nothing will come out of the flag hoisting - Maybe. But what certainly will come out if the flag hoisting is disallowed is the naked symbolic proof of Kashmir's de facto secession from India. Lal Chowk is the flag where the Pakistani flag is usually hosted by separatists of all hues. Here, we have a procession of patriotic Indians, comprising of the quintessential common man, armed with nothing but tricolours, prepared to risk bullets, stones and arrests, being held back by the very forces who are supposedly committed to maintaining the territorial integrity of our Nation! How much more ironic could it get?

• The common man in Kashmir has nothing to do with the flag hoisting - Yet again, Kashmir valley is being substituted for the entire state of Jammu & Kashmir. Moreover, how do we know if all the people are really against the flag hoisting? At one end, the Central and State Governments would like us to believe that it is only a handful of people who are instigating those who happen to love India in their heart of hearts. If it is indeed so, let the yatra proceed and let such people join the event. What more potent answer could the separatists get in their own backyards?

In a nutshell, while the BJP's intent behind the Rashitriya Ekta Yatra may certainly reek of ignoble intentions, that by itself is not sufficient a cause to disallow hoisting of the flag. By its actions, both the governments is only strengthening Kashmir's separatism at the cost of National pride.